NADIM BASHIR GEMAYEL

When hearing Nadim Bashir Gemayel's voice, we are automatically reminded of the brave leader, Bashir Gemayel, and an era of Christian strengths, unity and pride. However, after the nostalgia subsides, a serious question arises. Can Nadim truly bring back the "hope" lost with the death of his father in 1982?

 In order to reach a comprehensive and logical answer, we must compare our conditions today to that of the conditions and days of Bashir Gemayel. First, in 1975, when Bashir began his political and military venture, the Christians and Lebanon were under Syrian and Palestinian constant bombardment. These attacks threatened the survival of the Christians and the existence of the Lebanese State. 

Ordinary people were being kidnapped, raped, and killed and their fortunes and livelihoods were being destroyed on a daily basis. Accordingly, the entire Christian community stood behind the Kataeb Party, and in one way or another, backed Bashir who was leading the resistance from within the Kataeb/LF. He was head of the Kataeb Security Council, (El-Majlis El-Harby) and Vice President of the Kataeb Ashrafieh District. Later on, after the liberation war of Tel Zaatar, he was appointed to lead the newly created Lebanese Forces, which became the Kataeb military arm.

Bashir's position earned him the full support of Sheik Pierre Gemayel and the Kataeb Party, as well as the utmost backing of the Lebanese Front. Afterward, when Bashir launched his political career, he had already succeeded in many military victories, which proved his trustworthiness as well as his leadership skills. Therefore, opposing Bashir at that time meant opposing the entire Christian community and the sovereignty of Lebanon.

In today's Nadim's case, the situation is much different. Despite the Syrian's grip over Lebanon, many do not believe that Lebanon's existence is threatened, (at least it doesn't appear that way to ordinary people.) Furthermore, despite the oppression imposed by their Syrian/Lebanese Mokhabarat, the Lebanese cities and towns are not being bombed by the Syrian and Palestinian artilleries. Moreover, the Christians are not being kidnapped, raped, or killed in broad light situations.

Therefore, as a community, the Christians do not sense a clear and present danger. In fact, many Christians feel safe and protected, while the threat against the rest is related to their political affiliation instead of their religious one. Therefore, the Christians deem the situation acceptable since it does not constitute a threat, which requires harmony and collective measures for resistance. Hence, their unity is absent and the need to support a leader like Nadim is considered unnecessary.

Furthermore, Nadim does not have any military victories or experience, and he does not have any resistance sacrifices. Therefore, veterans of the Lebanese war, who are much older than Nadim, do not relate to him as a military colleague and, therefore, they do not accept or expect his leadership. To these veterans, Nadim is the son of their friend Bashir whom they love and admire-no less no more. They do not view him as the heir of Bashir, the leader or the hope.

In addition, as mentioned earlier, Bashir began his leadership by confronting the real enemies of Lebanon and the Lebanese people, while Nadim is launching his career by confronting his own people in a small, and most probably, losing battle in the Baabda/Aley bi-election. Since this bi-election does not concern most Christians, at least not directly, and since the portrayed enemy of this battle is neither the Palestinians nor the Syrians, most Christians feel uncommitted to back Nadim in this minor cause.

After all, the rival that Nadim is opposing and fighting is none other than the Lebanese Maronite, Henry Helou. Obviously, Mr. Helou poses no threat to the Christians or to the sovereignty of Lebanon. Meanwhile, his opposition, Aoun's candidate, Mr. Hikmat Deeb, that Nadim is supporting, does not hold the key to liberating the country from the Syrian oppression and occupation. Thus, Nadim's rally for support is not a life or death situation as in the war on Ashrafieh or Zahleh, which concerned most, if not all, Christians and which required their unity and support to Bashir.       Another important point is Nadim's unexpected support of Aoun in the baabda/Aley bi-election, which occurred without any consideration to the stance of his family and colleagues.

This behavior has become a question of trustworthiness. After all, Aoun, who launched a war of elimination against Bashir's organization in 1990, is now launching a similar one against Bashir's own family. Despite this fact, Nadim is supporting Aoun. In addition, unlike Bashir who was fighting the enemies of Lebanon, Nadim seems to have begun his "war" against his own family and colleagues. This is certainly the wrong target. Many colleagues have viewed such an act as a betrayal, while many others thought of Nadim as a loose canon. Nadim's irrational and inexplicable behavior will definitely backfire at him in the future.     

Joining alliances is a normal political activity. However, this does not apply to Nadim's support to Aoun. As a young inexperienced man in his first political public appearance, Nadim failed to portray himself as a leader equal to Aoun. This was obvious in the Kahaleh and Hadath rallies where Nadim spoke as one of Aoun's supporters. He presented himself like a follower rather than an independent leader with a distinguished character and a significant political agenda; a serious leadership flaw. As well, Nadim has created animosity and rivalry when he implicitly criticized prominent members of the opposition group of Qornet Shehwan. In this case, Nadim acted as the "puppet" that Aoun manipulated to strike inside the Gemayel family as well as the opposition.

Allowing Aoun to use him is a serious critical thinking flaw on Nadim's part, which will complicate his political path, especially since he has no position in the Kataeb or in the LF parties to help him stand his ground. In fact, Nadim is simply an ordinary young man who is cashing in on the inherited credentials, achievements, and legacy of his father. This credit may have opened the door for him but it will not take him up the ladder of success unless he proves himself liable and worthy of people's trust. Otherwise, this inherited political credit will soon wear out, and the renewed "hope" will turn into a disappointment.      

It is certain that Nadim's "faut pas" is the result of bad advice given by bad advisors. He was rushed to launch his political
career at the wrong time in the wrong place, and from the wrong platform aiming at the wrong target/s. In order for the young man to correct his mistake, it is essential that he disappears from the political scene at least until the elections of 2005. Then, he should reappear at the true platform of the resistance, in which his grandfather started and for which his father was martyred. Behind him, Nadim should make sure that his family and true friends stand, while above them all, a large picture of Sheikh Pierre and Sheik Bashir hangs.

Last but not least, Nadim should make sure to receive the advice from his uncle; the veteran, and the most internationally recognized diplomat, President Amine Gemayel, who after all secured the election of his father. This is the true platform of resistance. This is the proper place for him to stand. Most certainly, this is the appropriate stage from which his tale should begin-right where his father's story ended. Otherwise, Nadim, whose trustworthiness and rational thinking is now questionable, will fall through the same crack, in which his cousin Paul Gemayel fell.      

Notwithstanding, if the Pope, the US administration, the Europeans, the Russians and the Arabs find a great value in discussing issues with President Amine Gemayel, shouldn't young and inexperienced Nadim? 

Pierre A. Maroun

September 6, 2003

Bashir Gemayel's Heir Makes a Thunderous Entry into Politics

Beirut, 15 Sep 2003, On the anniversary of his father's assassination, Nadim Gemayel has unveiled clear resolve to keep the legacy of the late President-elect Bashir Gemayel alive, and appears to have attracted quite a following and a fair share of controversy in the process.

At the annual commemoration of Gemayel's assassination on Sept. 14, 1982, the young heir thanked his mother, Solange, for leading the followers of his father and keeping the family together all these years until he became 21 and, as such, eligible to thrust himself into politics.

"Lebanon is for all its citizens, and enough of capitalizing on sectarian differences to sow discord," he told the congregation that gathered Saturday at the Miracle Icon Church in Ashrafieh to pay tribute to his father – an annual ceremony held a day in advance to avoid a clash with Baada-Aley by-elections.

But then, he himself seemed to make the religious distinction in an improvised speech he delivered in local Lebanese accent, the same as his father did: "A strong Christian wants a strong Muslim partner," he said.

Nadim Gemayel called for a brisk voter turnout for the Baabda-Aley polls, and urged support for Hikmat Deeb, the Aoun candidate, an issue that has underscored Nadim's scramble for allies that has at the same time split his family.

With his mother and sister, Youmna, at his side, the young man - a replica of the father in looks and mannerism - was greeted with wide applause and a jungle of flags and portraits reflecting who his allies might be: Samir Geagea's disbanded Lebanese Forces, Gen. Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement, the National Liberal Party and some segments of the fragmented Phalange Party, which he could not exactly rely on.

His two cousins, sons of former President Amin Gemayel, Pierre and Sami, left the ceremony before his speech to avoid an embarrassment. Pierre Gemayel is now Metn MP and backing Deeb's rival in the Baabda-Aley polls, Henry Helou.

This past month has seen quite a few public mudslinging matches between the two cousins, reminiscent to the endless bickering that marked Bashir Gemayel's relations with, Amin, who became president after the assassination of his younger brother.

Amin Gemayel, however, remained at Saturday's service with his wife Joyce, maintaining a low profile to avoid more dirty laundry hanging in public.

Gemayel memorial becomes by-election rally

 by: Hussain Abdul-Hussain  9/15/2003

Son of assassinated president-elect backs FPM candidate

The 21st anniversary of the assassination of President-elect Bashir Gemayel turned on Saturday into a rally in support of right-wing Baabda-Aley candidate Hikmat Deeb and Bashir’s son, Nadim.

The memorial ceremony was held at the Monastery of Lazarist Fathers in Achrafieh in the presence of Bashir’s widow Solange, his children Nadim and Yumna, and his brother, former President Amin Gemayel. Also in attendance were Amin’s two sons, Metn MP Pierre Gemayel and Sami Gemayel.

The former president and his two sons left the ceremony when Nadim took the floor to deliver a speech in the monastery’s backyard.

Also present were patriarchal delegate Bishop Beshara Raai; Deeb, the candidate fielded in Sunday’s by-election by exiled former army commander General Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM); Setrida Geagea, the wife of disbanded Lebanese Forces (LF) jailed leader Samir; National Liberal Party president Dori Chamoun; a number of MPs; and a crowd of supporters of the FPM, a Phalange Party faction led by Amin Gemayel and the LF.

Despite the Gemayel family’s request that supporters “raise Lebanese flags only,” supporters brought with them all kinds of flags and pictures, including LF and Phalangist flags and pictures of Samir Geagea and Bashir Gemayel.

After thanking his mother for handling an interim leadership role over the past few years, Nadim Gemayel, now 21, blamed the government for what he described as its carelessness toward the memory of “Bashir and his comrades.”

Flanked by his mother, sister and Deeb, Gemayel called on the audience to vote on Sunday for “the opposition’s candidate,” saying that change in the country comes from “inside rather than from outside.”

Speaking in a tone similar to his father’s and shaking, like him, his forefinger to a cheering crowd, Gemayel responded to politicians who accuse him of provoking sectarianism by saying that “holding on to national sovereignty and demanding the restoration of freedom and democracy will not take Lebanon back to 1975.”

Chouf MP Walid Jumblatt earlier accused Gemayel of adopting rhetoric that risked reviving the 15-year civil war.
The young successor to a controversial father slammed governmental “double standards” in dealing with citizens. He demanded that the state treat the lawsuit against his father’s assassin more seriously.

For his part, Raai recounted Bashir Gemayel’s statements calling for coexistence, saying that Bashir’s first slogan, while still a 10-year-old boy, was “Lebanon first.”

“This slogan became top priority in (Bashir’s) presidential platform which he announced five days prior to his martyrdom on Sep. 9, 1982,” Raai said.

June 20, 2006